HMAR - DIMASA ETHNIC
CONFLICT: 1988-2004.
By Prof. Lal Dena
INTRODUCTION:
North Cachar Hills is one of the sixth
scheduled districts of Assam.
It is a pluralistic and multi-ethnic district where there are at present eight
different tribal communities, namely, Biete, Dimasa, Hmar, Hrangkhawl, Karbi,
Khasi, Kuki and Naga. In the beginning, Dimasas are part of the larger
Bodo-Kachari tribe. Only after the census of 1961, they are recognized as
Dimasa. But the Cacharis in Cachar district identify themselves as Barman. The
Dimasas are found mostly in Cachar, North Cachar Hills, Karbi Anglong, Nagoan
districts of Assam
and Dimapur of Nagaland. Dimasas believe that their rajas once ruled in
Kamrupa. After their expulsion from Kamrupa by the more powerful Ahom rulers,
they shifted their capital at Dimapur during the 13th century and
again from Dimapur to Maibong and finally to Khaspur in the plains of Cachar.
Dimasas are Hindu in the sense of mainland Indian Hinduism. But in reality
their religion is more in the realm of animistic nature[1].
Mikirs are now recognized as Karbis who are found predominantly in Karbi
Anglong district and of course a small section of them are also found in the North Cachar hills. The Old Kukis during the British
period are today known as Hmar, Biete and Hrangkhawl and the New Kukis comprise
of Thado, Haokip,etc. The Aroong Nagas include Zemei, Liengmei and Ruongmei
Nagas. Linguistically, they all belong to the Tibeto-Burman family of
languages. Hmars are a part of the Mizo-Kuki ethnic group who originally came
from China
via Myanmar.
They are found mostly in Cachar, North Cachar Hills, South
Manipur, North Mizoram,
Meghalaya, Tripura and Myanmar.
The Hmars particularly in the North Cachar Hills are believed to have already
settled there by the time the Dimasas were driven out from Dimapur. For
instance, the Leiris, one of the leading Hmar clans, made their settlement at
the Leiri village in North Cachar hills and
erected a monument on which they inscribed that they established the village in
1470 A.D.
During the British period, there were
only six distinct tribes as per Mills’ report of 1854 and Allen’s report of
1859 in the district[2].They were
as follows:
Mills (1854) Allen (1859)
1. Hill Cacharis 3940 6735
2. Hojai Cacharis 1170 3260
3. Mikirs 1820
5076
4. Old Kukis 3335 3709
5. New Kukis 7575 4763
6. Aroong Nagas 3505 5885
Another British record of 1875 listed
the population of only four leading tribes, namely, Cacharis-10824;
Mikirs-4335; Nagas-7536; and Old and New Kukis-15080[3]. According
to this report, the non-Dimasa population was 26951 against the Dimasa
population of 10824. Though the Dimasa were few in number in 1854, their
population doubled up in 1859 due to large-scale influx of thousands of Barmans
from Cachar plains, the foothills of Nagaland and Dhansari areas of Karbi Anglong and Nagoan
districts to the present North Cachar Hills in between 1854 and 1859 and 1959
and 1875. Their inclusion in the scheduled tribe lists as per affidavit made in
the deputy commissioner’s office is a proven fact. There was not even a single
Dimasa village in and around the Haflong town till 1952[4].
2. Formation of the
district and its subsequent development:
The North Cachar Hills district was
first created by the colonial officials in 1861. For a long time all the
different ethnic groups had enjoyed a relatively peaceful co-existence and the
relation between Hmar and Dimasa in particular was marked by close social
interactions and even inter-marriages in some cases, never having conflicts of
any kind for the last 250 years. Five years after the attainment of India’s
independence in 1952, the United Mikir Hills and North Cachar Hills district
council was formed on the recommendation of Bardaloi sub-committee; but on 29 April, 1952 it was
bifurcated into two separate districts -the Karbi Anglong Hills district and
the North Cachar Hills district. Chonhau Khawthlang (Hmar) and Doulagapu
(Dimasa) were the two leading figures who were instrumental in the creation of
the North Cachar Hills district. As a matter of fact, Chonhau became the first chief
executive member (CEM) of the council. Subsequently Haulung Lungtau and Lalvuon
who belonged to Hmar community also became CEM at different times. Because of
the fast widespread of modern education with the coming of Welsh missionaries,
the Hmars soon became one of the most progressive and advanced communities in
the district and began to hold almost all the key posts for the last fifty
years. At the same time the district also witnessed an unusual rapid increase
in the population of the Dimasa tribe. Even the present district council houses
more Dimasa members. Thus, the table is now being turned in favour of the newly
emergent Dimasa elite. The council was also upgraded to full-fledged autonomous
council with the provisions of the sixth scheduled under the constitution of India since
1970. The present tribe-wise population as per 1991 census and an unofficial
estimated population of 2002 are as given below[5]:
Year 1991 2002 (Approx).
- Biete (Hmar) …… 4000
- Hrangkhawl (Hmar) …… 2000
- Hmar 10882 15000
- Dimasa 49667 50000
- Karbi 6517 2500
- Khasi …… 2000
- Kuki 5896 7500
- Naga 11467 16000
According to the above figure, the
population of Dimasa and the non-Dimasa is fifty-fifty. In the existing
district council, there are 27 members of whom nineteen are Dimasa and two are
Hmar, three Naga, one Kuki, one Karbi and one Khasi. This clearly shows that there
is no due representation of tribes in the council and no delimitation has been
made for the last 50 years. What is of urgent necessity is to update the
district population, to delimit the constituencies under the council on the
basis of new population figure, to ensure due representation of every tribe according
to its population and to revamp the whole of the district administration in the
light of the 73rd constitution amendment of 1994.
3. Genesis of the
conflict:
In general, ethnic conflicts normally
involve a clash of interests or a struggle over rights: rights to land, to
education, to the use of language, to political representation, to freedom of
religion, to the preservation of ethnic identity, to autonomy or
self-determination and so forth. Where different ethnic groups live side by
side within a given society, the likelihood of conflicts is always present when
a more dominant ethnic group tries to impose its own norms and standards or its
own model of society on other minority group or groups. The Hmar-Dimasa
conflict in the twin districts of North Cachar Hills and Cachar of Assam is to
be discussed within a conceptual framework of majority-minority relationship in
which a minority resisted decades of majority’s discrimination and oppression. The
basic hypothesis is that the root of the conflict lies in land. The hunger for
land was the underlying factor which had spurred the Hmar-Dimasa animosity. The
Dimasas were only trying to create a hostile environment for Hmars to leave
their lands so that they could grap them.
This is the ideological basis of Dimasa’s political scheme to turn the
whole of North Cachar Hills and Cachar district into their own homeland as Dima
Hilali (Golden Land of Dimasa). In this connection, they also submitted a memorandum
to Shri P.V. Narasimha Rao, prime minister of India. In support of the
memorandum, G.C.Langthasa, A.H. and Veti. minister, made an open declaration in
1993 at Harangajao by saying that “Now the time is ripe to demand for Dimaraji
and the demand for autonomous state is over.” With the formal establishment of
the Dimaraji Revival Demand Committee (DRDC) and its armed wing, Dima Halam
Daoga (DHD) in 1994, the movement soon gained momentum and even assumed violent
character[6].
Initially, the movement was launched ostensibly with the support of NSCN-IM
cadres.
The demand for Dimaraji was based on
the policy of Dimasaisation of other ethnic groups in the two districts. The
very attempt of changing even the name of the present district as “Dima Hilali”
against the wishes of other members in the council in December, 2002 was a
clear violation of the fundamental rights of the minority groups and it shook
the very basic democratic structure which was the foundation of Indian
constitution. All the non-Dimasa members opposed the bill tooth and nail and
the Dimasa leadership alleged that the Hmar representatives were primarily responsible
for this legislative debacle. Thus much to the surprise of Hmars, the DHD
leadership began to initiate and intensify what is known as the ‘Hmar ethnic cleansing
operation’ since 1988. The methods adopted for this ethnic cleansing are: force
collection of tax from every household of Hmars at the rate of Rs.200 annually;
imposition of fine to the tune of Rs.25 lacs to some selected Hmar family; and
intimidation or kidnapping[7]. The
above stated facts clearly show that the violence which triggered off since 26 February, 2003 was not
the root cause, but the product of the narrow and long-standing political scheme
hatched by the Dimasa leaders for the last ten years or so.
4. Outbreak of the
present conflict:
In January, 2003 a cease-fire was made
between the DHD and the centre and the state of Assam. Under the ground rules of
the cease-fire, the security personnel were not to touch any DHD cadres and the
latter were supposed to confine themselves to their designated camps. The
cease-fire did not cover other minority ethnic groups of the district and the
question of their inclusion does not arise at all as they have nothing to
demand from the state and central governments except the upgrade of the
existing district council into an autonomous state for all ethnic groups of the
district. As a result of the cease-fire, the DHD cadres could move freely in
groups with their sophisticated weapons thereby committing innumerable crimes
from lootings to killings of innocent Hmars without any fear of retaliatory
action from security personnel. In fact, the incident which finally ignited the
already surcharged tense relationship between the two ethnic groups was that
the NSCN(I-M) cadres in Dittokchera area in North Cachar Hills had kidnapped
three DHD cadres on 26 February, 2003 ostensibly because of the latter’s claim
to some parts of Nagaland. The DHD had mistakenly believed that the kidnapping
was the handiwork of so-called Hmar People Convention, Democracy (HPC-D) cadres
alleging that some of the kidnappers spoke Hmar dialect. Despite the repeated
deny of Hmar’s involvement in the kidnapping vide their official letter of 7
March, 2003 which was also read out in the presence of the district authorities
and leaders of the two communities at the office of the deputy commissioner,
the Dimasa militants had already started raiding some Hmar villages in search
of their men and kidnapped two Hmars and one Kuki on 2 March, 2003. The DHD had
then let loose reign of terror in the Hmar inhabited areas in Cachar on the
foothills bordering the North Cachar hills and
the panic stricken villagers began to flee their homes and villages. In
confirmation of the fact that the kidnapping of the three DHD cadres was done
by the NSCN-IM, Wazir Hussain, a noted journalist observes thus: “The immediate
provocations aside, the latest string of attacks is seen as a battle for
territorial supremacy. The DHD formed in 1995 has been fighting for a Dimasa
homeland (Dimaraji) in southern Assam
and has laid claim to Dimapur, Nagaland’s commercial hub which is the ancient
capital of the Dimasa royalty. This in fact is one of the reasons for the DHD
and its major ally or mentor, the NSCN-IM parting ways and turning hostile. The
NSCN-IM rather wants parts of Assam
to be merged into its proposed ‘Greater Nagaland’ plan. The other reason why
the DHD severed its ties with the NSCN-IM was the latter’s claim to a large
chunk of the tax extorted by the DHD either in its own or jointly, from areas
dominated by the Dimasa”[8].
This clearly shows that the three innocent Hmars were made sacrificial lambs in
the power-game between the DHD and NSCN-IM leaders. On 5 March, 2003, the DHD outfits
attacked two Hmar villages in North Cachar hills
adjoining Cachar district and forced nearly eight hundred Hmars to desert their
homes and flee to Lakhipur on the Assam-Mizoram border. On 16 March, 2003, they barged into a
church in North Cachar hills while a service was
in progress. The armed militants molested the church goers, snatched away their
offerings and forced them to bow down before them saying that they were more
powerful than the Almighty. Again on 24 March, 2003, the DHD militants kidnapped three more Hmars
from Saisi village and killed them[9].
Unable to bear any longer the Dimasa’s
ethnic cleansing campaign which had already rendered many Hmar women widows,
many Hmar children orphans and thousands of Hmars homeless, a group of Hmar
Protection Cell (HPC) mounted for the first time simultaneous attacks on two
Dimasa hamlets at Chekarcham and Maghnathal under Sonai police station in
Cachar district in the wee hours on 1st April, 2003 leading to the
massacre of about twenty seven persons.(8)This was the beginning of attacks and
counter-attacks from both sides resulting in the loss of many precious and
innocent human lives, displacement and exodus of several thousands of poor
villagers from both sides. Altogether, the Dimasa militants burned down more
than 500 Hmar houses, 431 houses in the North Cachar Hills alone. Thousands of
them were rendered homeless. Many of them fled to Churachandpur, Manipur and
many more to different parts of Mizoram and Meghalaya. The rest of the
displaced persons were sheltered in makeshift refugee camps at Hmarkhawlien in
Cachar and at Muolhoi, Saron, Mahur and other places in North Cachar Hills[10].
Of the many atrocities inflicted upon
the innocent Hmars by the DHD volunteers, the most horrific and inhuman one was
the murder of Lalthakung and his four family members at Hmartlangmawi village
on 5 April 2004.
The DHD armed cadres captured Mr Lalthakung (70 yrs) and his four family
members, namely, (1) Lalmakthang (35 yrs); (2) Mrs Melody, pregnant and wife of
Lalmakthang; (3) Mr Lalthanghrim; and (4) Ms Lalzarkim. The DHD activists
hanged the three men to death after torturing them. They then pulled out the
two women outside the village which was burned down to ashes. They raped them
in turn one after another to death. Even after death, they humiliated the dead
women by dragging their dead bodies and laying them nude in Langting market
square for all to see[11]. In
another incident on 13 May, 2003
the DHD outfits kidnapped three Hmar youths from K.Phailien village in Cachar
district, peeled off their skins and buried them alive. In spite of the Hmar
Students Association’s (HSA) repeated requests, the state police had not taken
any action against the culprits[12]. Besides
these incidents, there had been many occasions in which the DHD had colluded
with the security forces of the state. On 29 April, 2003, the army arrested 15 DHD
militants who were in combat dresses with sophisticated weapons from Thapa
village in Cachar district which is about 50 kms away from their designated
camp and released them again after two days. Contrary to this action, the 12
Granadier Red Shield Division, the CRPF, and the police raided K.Phailien
village for the second time on 20 June, 2003, killed 6 local youths alleging
that they were ‘HPC-D outfits’ and disposed them half-naked at the Joypur thana
for Dimasa spectators to see[13].
5. Peace initiatives:
Right from the beginning of the
conflict, various peace initiatives had been made from government side and NGO
groups. The all-party delegation in Assam toured Cachar district on 5
and 6 April, 2003. It held Dimasas and Hmars equally responsible for the loss
of lives and properties over the past ten days. At the same time, the speaker
of the Assam legislative assembly convened a meeting of public leaders
including Shri Santosh Mohan Dev, M.P. (LS), Koronendu Bhatterjee, M.P. (RS);
Bimalangshu Roy, MLA; Md.Nurul Huda, Ex-M.P and the DIG, South Zone, Assam and those
leaders of Hmars and Dimasas. In response to this peace initiative on 5 April, 2003, the DHD and
Hmar leaders amicably expressed their resolve to abstain from further violence.
But before the ink of the agreement was dried, Dimasa vulonteers continued
their ethnic cleansing campaign. On 2 May, 2003, North East India Social Forum, Guwahati,
Christian Religious Society, Kolkata, Council of Baptist Churches of North East
India, Guwahati represented by Roy Chaudhury and CASA represented by Mukul Roy
visited the refugee camps. In the mean time, the government of Assam announced
the formation of the Fact Finding Ministerial Team (FFMT) headed by Shri Bhumindar
Barman, Health Minister to restore peace and concentrate on confidence building
measures and visited Haflong on 13 June and Cachar on 26 June, 2003[14].
The team consisted of the following persons, namely, Sarat Borkotoky, Bharat
Chandra Narah, Mithius Tudu, G.C.Langthasa, Misabul Islam Laskar, Rupam Singh
Ranghang and Prannoy Rava. It was definitely a pro-Dimasa team. The chairman
himself was a Dimasa and G.C.Langthasa was the brain and think-tank of the
Dimaraji. What justice could one expect from such team? While the so-called fact-finding
was being carried on, a Hmar youth was again brutally murdered at Lower Haflong, the capital of the district[15].
In short, the Hmars could not expect any square deal from the team and the
state government. In this connection, one writer has lamentably commented thus:
“The step-motherly treatment meted out to the Hmars by the Assam
government in the wake of the clash, was a reason strong enough for the Hmars
of Assam to lose faith in the Gogoi’s government. Being treated as strangers in
the land of their birth by their own state government, the Hmars had no choice
but to flee to the other neighboring states of Manipur, Mizoram and Meghalaya.
A government that cannot protect the life and security of all sections of the
people is not fit to be called a government in any sense of the term.”[16]
In their memorandum submitted to the
chairman of the FFMT, the Hmar student leaders had reiterated the demand for
setting up an impartial committee comprising a central representative and prominent
citizens with no political leaning whatsoever. Among others, the memorandum
stressed that “the situation is not only a law and order problem as the benign
Assam government has wanted it to be but a result of a deep-rooted nexus
between Dimasa politicians and insurgent element which has allowed the state
machinery to greatly favour the Dimasas to further their ends of rendering the
Hmars ineffective so that their sustained ethnic cleansing campaign may proceed
unhindered….as long as Mr G.C.Langthasa is present, all other findings of the
committee apart from recommending a separate administrative unit for the Hmars
would be unacceptable to us. We are very much aware of his capacity as a
seasoned politician to manipulate the process of the committee to ensure
further misery for the Hmars and gain for the Dimasas[17].”
As anticipated, in stead of finding out facts, the team right from the
beginning took a partisan and biased attitude and charged that the whole
conflict was the making of so-called Hmar militants. Not surprisingly, it thus
recommended an operation to flush out Hmar militants from North Cachar Hills
and Cachar districts of Assam
in complete and deliberate ignorance of the role of the DHD outfits in the
conflict. Any conflict of any nature, big or small, always involves two groups.
The sequence of recent past incidents clearly showed that it was the Dimasas
who played the role of the wicked wolf in the famous Aesope’s fable. So long as
G.C. Langthasa and pro-Dimasa ministers were there, the Hmars’ view-points were
never listened to. Therefore, the so-called peace efforts of the FFMT failed
miserably.
Tired
of the partisan and lackadaisical attitude of the government of Assam, the Hmar
leaders had no other alternative than to fall back upon the central government
for the timely and speedy remedy of their grievances. Accordingly, the Hmar
Peoples’ Union (HPU), North Cachar Hills, had submitted a memorandum to Shri
I.D.Swami, minister of state for home affairs on 23 June, 2003 which highlighted among others
the following points: (1) The central government should sever ties with DHD as
they continue to curtail the legitimate rights of the Hmars living under their
domain. (2) The central government should send a high level team to investigate
the terrorizing role of the DHD. (3) The central government should see that the
law and order mechanism do not let loose a reign of terror towards the minority
Hmars. (4) The central government should direct the Assam government to probe into the
nexus between the DHD and various state actors and that the chief minister of Assam should be
directed to drop Shri G.C.Langthasa from his cabinet. (5) The paralyzed
district council of the North Cachar Hills should be dismissed as the council
had become a puppet at the hands of the majority Dimasas and an instrument of
fund allotment to the DHD. (6) The central government should see that adequate
security forces were deployed in the Hmar villages and the free movement of the
DHD in and around the Hmar villages be curtailed. (7) The central government
should not bow down before the pressure of the Assam government which was giving
undue support to the extension of the ceasefire agreement[18]. Moved by this memorandum perhaps, I.D.Swami visited
Cachar and Corth cachar hills and had a discussion with the chief minister of Assam. Though
no detail about the discussion was available, this much is clear to the public
that the central minister recommended the intelligence bureau probe into the conflict.
In the absence of concrete response
both from the centre and the state government, the Hmar Inpui (Hmar Supreme
House), Manipur went to New Delhi
to meet Shri L.K.Advani, deputy prime minister on 30 June, 2003. In its memorandum, the Inpui
delegates pressed the central government to immediately intervene and bring
about a political solution to the conflict in the interest of the nation as
well as the victimized minorities in Assam. By endorsing the points
raised in the earlier memorandum mentioned above, the Hmar Inpui placed the
following points before the deputy prime minister for immediate consideration:
(1) The central government should check and once for all stop the continued
destructive ethnic cleansing agenda of the demographically stronger Dimasas
against the Hmars in the two districts of Assam. (2) The central government
should immediately intervene to mediate and initiate a constructive peace
process to establish long-term political solution to the Hmar-Dimasa problem.
The rights and existence of the indigenous Hmars of Cachar and North Cachar
Hills ought to be secured with the establishment of a separate administrative
unit under the constitution of India.
The aggrieved Hmars were now compelled to resort to a solution in this
direction. (3) The central government should act immediately to settle the
thousands of internally displaced Hmars who had crossed over to Manipur,
Mizoram and Meghalaya in search of refuge. (4) The central government should
also provide immediate relief to the internally displaced Hmars who were
scattered in different camps in Manipur, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Assam. The
displaced Hmars were living in deplorable temporary huts and subsisted on
charities doled out by the local communities and various other philanthropic
organizations. (5) The central government should arrange ex-gratia payment to
the innocents killed and mained in the ethnic carnage. (6) The central
government should prosecute state actors as well as non-state actors who were
actively involved in carrying out the unwanted progrom. Shri G.C.Langthasa,
whose surfacing role as the perpetrator of the unwanted pogram should be
dropped from his position of cabinet minister in the present ministry, Assam.
Moreover, the district council of North Cachar Hills should be dismissed as its
treasury had been, for years, the source of DHD`s income. (7) The government of
India
should discontinue the ceasefire agreement with the DHD in the larger interest
of the Hmars and other minority tribes who were victimized and terrorized by
the DHD on breaking the ground rules of the ceasefire agreement. The DHD had blatantly
exploited the blanket of immunity provided by the ceasefire for extortion and
spawning the ethnic cleansing campaign. The aggrieved Hmar people thus felt
that the DHD had no interest in peace, no respect for peace as has been
repeatedly manifested in their deliberate violations of the ceasefire ground
rules. As such, instead of extending the ceasefire agreement with the DHD, the
government of India
should rather adopt a strict and severe measure to curb their unwanted activities
in the best interest of peace and human rights[19].
In the mean time, the government of Assam
constituted a one-man commission of Justice P.C.Phukan known as “The P.C. Phukan Commission of Enquiry into
ethnic clashes in N.C.Hills/Cachar districts, Assam”
with following terms of references: (1) The root causes leading to the clashes
between the Hmars and the Dimasa. (2) Involvement/provocation of third party
resulting in the ethnic clashes. (3) Actions taken by the law and order
authorities of Cachar districts. (4) Appropriate recommendations for ensuring
long-term peace and ethnic harmony in N.C.Hills/Cachar district between Hmars
and Dimasas. The commission started series of meeting with the leaders of the
two warring parties by inviting written statements from them on 9 September 2003, and 8-13
December, 2003 at Haflong and on 23-28 February, 2004 and 7-13 June 2004 at
Silchar followed by several rounds of discussion with supplementary statements.
Again, final hearing was conducted at Guwahati on 6-7, August and 4-6
September, 2004 by the commission[20].
The commission is yet to complete its report which is to be tabled to the floor
of the Assam
legislative assembly. Long-term solution of the problem therefore depends entirely
on the sincerity and impartiality of the government of Assam. The only
gain so far is that there is no violent incident since the constitution of the
commission.
Concluding
remarks: From what
has been indicated above, it is clear that the Dimasa’s demand for Dimaraji
state within the Indian Union to North Cachar Hills by joining with it portions
of the Dhansiri valley in Dimapur under Nagaland as well as some Dimasa
inhabited parts of Nagoan and Karbi Anglong districts in Assam is the root
cause of the conflict. Feeling insecure in the face of such demand which is
accompanied with the ethnic cleansing campaign, the Hmars have been compelled
to demand a separate administrative unit in the form of sixth schedule district
comprising the Hmar inhabited areas of North Cachar Hills and Cachar district
of Assam. Therefore, the Hmar-Dimasa ethnic clash is essentially a political
problem which can only be solved through political means by initiating
political dialogue with all sincere efforts both on the part of the central
government and state government of Assam with the aggrieved parties.
Considering the complexity of the ethnic situation in the affected districts in
particular and North East India as a whole, some kind of reorganization of the
whole of North East India on ethnic lines will not only ensure long-term peace
and harmony but also contribute towards the stabilization of nation building in
the region.
Reference:
Mittal
Publication of India.
New-Delhi, 2001,
p.p. 145-146.
[3] Ibid : p. 147
[4] Written statement submitted to the
Phukan Commission.
[5] L. Thanmawi Pajamte : Thangko
(Messenger), 2 July, 2003,
p.1.
[9] The Frontier Sun : (English Daily) Silchar, 2 April, 2003, p.1
[10] Ibid. : p.1
excesses on innocent
Hmars, 23 June, 2003,
pp.1-2.
[13] Ibid. : p.1.
[14] Progressives Atrocities committed by
the DHD militants on Hmars, p.10.
[15] The Telegraph, 13 June,2003, p.17.
[16] The Hmars/Dimasa Imbroglio in Lamka
Post (local daily paper), 20
June,2003, p.2.
[19] Memorandum to Shri L.K.Advani, deputy
prime minister, 30 June.2003.
[20] Written statement submitted to the
Phukan Commission.
The author is at present
Coordinator, Remedial
coaching Centre for SC/ST & others backward class
Manipur
University
Imphal, Manipur, India.
Pin-795003.
E-mail:laldena@hotmail.com
No comments:
Post a Comment