Traditional Institutions of the Hmar
Prof. Lal Dena
Introduction
Though the Hmars are one of the oldest communities in the North East India region, yet, not much work has been done so far about them. The Hmars have no written history in the past; their origin and history can only be constructed with the help of oral traditions. Oral testimony certainly reflects more ancestral imagination than historical facts. But, one cannot altogether dismiss it because it forms the raw material from which true history can be derived and which is known must be pierced together from racial memories, from song and story, folklore and legend.
The Hmars and kindred tribes, now known as Mizos, traced their origin from a cave known as Sinlung in central China. They were believed to have involved in the building of the Great Wall of China as conscripted labourers. Due to an undesirable work condition and famine, they left China and migrated westward. Shan was believed to be the next known settlement of the Hmars after Sinlung although it is not clear whether this Shan is the present Shan state of Myanmar or somewhere else near Sinlung. However, one thing clear and certain here in Shan is that, they lived a better and more prosperous life than they had known in Sinlung. Their epic songs revealed with the wealth they possessed here in Shan area. However, generation of prosperity there was intercepted by a severe famine known as Thingpui Tam (tree famine), a famine that occurs after every 100 years in their history.
The next known settlement of the Hmars is in the Burmese valley known as Kawlphai by them and then to the present Chin Hills of the same country. It was believed that they came down and settled together in this Burmese plain with other Tibeto-Burman tribes such as the Arakanese, Kachin, Nagas, etc. It was also believed that the different Mizo tribes separated themselves according to their clan from this place onwards. The reason of these separations will be attributed to the absence of external disturbances, peaceful social life and prosperity in agriculture.
In Burma, the Hmars are believed to settled between the river Run (pronounce as ‘roon’ by them, the river is also known as ‘Manipur’ by others) and Tiau for quite a long time as many of the vocabulary and terminology they use even till today had many references to Run river. Besides, all the names of the twelve months of the year they gave also have a bearing on the climatic condition of this area.
The Hmars gradually inhabited the virgin lands in the southern region of Burma (which later became Lushai Hills under the British) to Tripura, Chittagong Hills Tracts, Cachar, Manipur and North Cachar Hills. They at present settled in compact in the Tipaimukh Sub-division in southwest Manipur, North Mizoram, Cachar and North Cachar Hills of Assam, Jowai areas of Meghalaya and North Tripura state of Northeast India. About 5,76,720 Hmars in more than 500 villages settled in compact in the above mentioned areas. The Northeast India, it may be mentioned is surrounded by China in the north, Myanmar (Burma) in the east and west and in the south by Bangladesh.
As the Hmars are the first tribes of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo groups of tribals who moved to their present areas of settlement from the Chin Hills of the Burma to made contact with the plainsmen Indian, particularly the Bengalees. The Bengalees called the Hmars, as ‘Kukis’. The Hmars however, at no time accepted the term ‘Kuki’ as the name of their tribe as they thought it to be a degraded term. The British officials, ethnographers and linguists were also aware that this term had no popular acceptance. After some time, the Thadou tribes who moved closely behind the Hmars, made contact with the Bengalees. Since they were quite different from the people, whom the Bengalees called Kukis, they were given another name, New Kuki. The Hmars were then grouped as Old Kuki.
In the words of W.W. Hunter (1972), “The term ‘old kuki’ is applied to a tribe living on the farther side of the Barak river in the North Cachar, who appear to have nothing in common with the Kukis proper or, Lushais. Their system of village government is democratic, and in contrast with that of all other tribes to which the name of Kuki is applied, the ‘old kuki’ speak a language akin to that of the Tipperahs, whom also they resemble in physical appearances. The names of their principal clans or sub-tribes are the Renkhols (Hrangkhols), Khelmas (Sakechep) and Banglong”.
When the term ‘Old Kuki’ was used, it included the Hrangkhols, Darlongs, Bietes, Aimols, Koms, Chirus, Anals and others who now have their own separate identities and dialects. It is clear that these ‘old kukis’ in those days, do not have one common term of their own to refer to themselves, but prefers to call themselves by the name of their clan.
Traditional Institutions
The Hmar traditional institutions can be grouped under different heads such as the family, the Buonzawl (youth dormitory), the chief and his councilors, the priest, the village crier, the blacksmith and the youth commander.
1. The Family
The family was the smallest unit in every social kinship system throughout the world and is also the first informal centre of learning or in other words, the first institution. It is the first major agency to introduce the child to his many social roles. It is often said that, “Family is the first school where the child learns all the useful things required in order to lead an independent life by himself”. This is true for the Hmar even during their primitive traditional society.
Rochunga Pudaite beautifully sums up this important institution in the following words - “His father took him to the jungle and made traps with him. He supplied firewood for Buonzawl at the age of six and learned to be under strict discipline of the society. Later, he participated in the village life and government. Even as a boy he followed his father to sow, to weed, and to reap the harvest of the jhum (rice-paddy) with the tribal implements. He made parts of the local handlooms. He participated in tribal rites and hunting expeditions. The girl learned cooking and weaving before she was mature. The tribal child, as a rule, acquired all the needed knowledge before he started life on his own”.
The family also acts as an important educational institution for the child as he learns to live in the society. Opportunity is given to him each day to observe family administration through a trained and experience head of the family. He learnt to respect his parents and elders. He learns to share, to play, to cooperate and to conduct himself before he is called upon to shoulder public responsibility. He cannot be selfish in such a family set-up, and corporate life of the most congenial type is cultivated. Educational activities and processes surround him from sunrise to sundown. He is thoroughly educated to perpetuate the religion, culture and traditions of his family before he leaves his parents to start a new home of his own.
The Hmar family can be regarded as a patriarchal one in nature and has a patrilineal continuity, each generation being linked to the next in genealogical succession through the males only. A Hmar family usually consist of members related to each other by blood, marriage and adoption, all having the same social, economic and religious status under a single head. The members usually comprise of the grand parents, the husbands and wives, married and unmarried children and grand children.
The father is the head of the family and is the presiding authority in all socio-religious matters of the family and also, the representative of the family in all community affairs. His decision is always final and binding. The father enjoys widespread and unquestioned authority from his subordinates. The relationship between a father and the offspring was of respect and obedience on the part of the offspring and authority on the part of the father.
Children look upon parents with great respect. They call their father ‘Pa’ (father) and the mother ‘Nu’ (mother) and never mentioned the name as they consider it disrespectful to call or say their parents’ name even after they have grown up and established their own home. Not only the parents, even the elders are shown respect by preceding their names with ‘U’ (pronounced as the sound of ‘oo’ in ‘zoo’).
Every members of the family down from the children up to the grand parents all contributed in the welfare and maintenance of the family. Children, the girl child in particular, are very helpful in the domestic chores such as carrying water, cooking food, washing and cleaning. Boys can also do all these work depending on how they are being trained or in a family where there are no not enough female members. Grand parents are always useful in looking after the babies and in the household works.
Mealtime is regarded as the best time for family discussion of any matters and topics as this is the only time where they are usually attending to one common thing in a day. Children are taught the value of life, the need to respect their elders, what to do and what not to do, etc.
2. Buonzawl
One of the most important characteristic features of any olden tribal society is the existence of one social institution called dormitory for the youth. The origin of this important institution known as, Buonzawl or Sier was lost in oblivion as it could not be established when it actually began. It was invariably built in the largest open area in the center of the village near the chief’s house. The Hmars of Mizoram and those villages bordering sometimes called this dormitory as Zawlbuk, like the Lushais. This important dormitory institution can be regarded as the most effective agency of education among the tribals of Manipur before the introduction of modern system of education in their areas and, in the absence of any formal educational system.
A Buonzawl is built and operated by the whole village community. It is similar to other houses in materials but different in shape and size. A single entrance obtains access to the building by a platform of rough wood at the uphill end. A large fireplace is constructed in which a fire is kept burning day and night. Right by the fire is an open space used for recreation such as wrestling matches and dances. This particular place, according to some writers is what was known as the ‘Buonzawl’. The Hmar term of ‘Buon’ means ‘wrestling’ and ‘Zawl’ means something like ‘a flat surface or, an open space’.
There are sleeping platforms on all sides of the wall except the front part. All the male youths of the village who had attained puberty are supposed to sleep in the Buonzawl in the night. Each boy in the village is under obligation to supply firewood for the Buonzawl and failure of which will be reprimanded or punish by the Val-upas or Youth Commanders who will in such events let the child know that the failure to performs one’s duty is much more painful than the punishment given to him.
Special arrangements are made for fetching water at night in case the inmates get thirsty. The boys are specially briefed off for their duty and are changed every week. These boys can claim water as a matter of right from any of the houses near the Buonzawl. Any refuse of this demand by any householder are liable to be punished and fined. All the young men of the village came out of their houses to the Buonzawl after their evening meal and have to decide what they would do for the evening. Some went for courting, and the others call on their girl friends for gossip, smoke or singsong. At the Buonzawl, the elderly persons would gather and sit around the fire .
Buonzawl – Its roles and importance
A. Security :
In the earlier tribal societies, including the tribes included in this study, it was a common affair to attack the people of another tribe for some reason. This led to inter-tribal feuds endangering the peaceful living of the common people. More detrimental than this barbarous act was an inter-clan feud that commonly occurred among the tribes for want of being dominant over the other. For this reason, it became a necessity for all the young men to sleep together in one place in order to protect the village from the enemy, or prepared themselves for any emergency. To meet such a possible attack, a collective action with prompt move was more desirable. The Buonzawl served as a control room in times of such an emergency.
The Pawi (Lai) and the Lakher Mara) tribes who are now mostly concentrated in the southern part of present Mizoram state of northeast India do not have this type of institution. The Pawis claimed that they, being a dominant tribe or clan do not find any reason to have such an institution. As such, the security factor can be attributed as one of the most important reason for the origin of ‘dormitory house’ in many tribal societies. War strategy or, hunting expedition are discussed and planned here under the leadership of the Val-Upas. The influence of these Val-Upas was so great that even the village chiefs and his ministers are subjected to submission to their will especially in times of such emergencies like war, hunting, fire and deaths among the villagers.
B. Education :
A Buonzawl, at the beginning, was just like any other hall meant for discussing matters concerning the public, but it was latter developed into a kind of institution where youngsters were given rigorous training in the art of tribal war, wrestling and village administration. In fact, in the Hmar traditional society where there was no institutionalized form to educate the youth of the village, the Buonzawl was the best well-established form of displinary institution. Besides, the Buonzawl played a very significant role in imparting the tribal philosophy of life, Tlawmngaina, an untranslatable term binding all to be hospitable, kind, unselfish and helpful to others: a moral force which finds expression in the self sacrifice for the service of others.
Buonzawl also gives an important opportunity for the boys to socialise by mixing and sleeping with others. The boys in Buonzawl also learnt how to respect the elders, one very important moral duty of every human being. Buonzawl was an institution, which moulded the characters of the youths by giving them all sorts of training, and prepared them to be a better man. Strict disciplines were enforced here and disobedient inmates were punished severely.
C. Recreation & Guest house:
As the name implies, the Hmars’ ‘Buonzawl’ is a ‘wrestling place’ or, a ring. Wrestling is one of the most important forms of recreation and games. All male visitors to the village and guest who are younger than forty are required to sleep in the Buonzawl. A wrestling match is quickly arranged and the visitor cannot escape the challenge. The Hmar wrestling is different from others in that the wrestler’s sole intention is not to hurt but cultivate friendly feeling.
Even the Reverend Edwin Rolands, one of the first English pioneer missionary among the Mizo tribes, along with his teammates Vanchchunga, Savawma and Taitea were not spared from this type of challenge and had to agree to it in one small village called Sihfa in the then Lushai Hills.23 When the wrestling match is over, the Val-Upa will send the boys to collect cloths enough to keep their guest warm through the night. The Buonzawl is not that cold even in winters as the ‘fire’ is always kept burning to give warmth to the inmates. In such a way Buonzawl plays a very important role in the socio-educational and political set-up of a traditional Hmar society.
Abolition of Buonzawl
Like any other tribal traditions and customs, the Buonzawl also could not withstand the force of social changes which took place in such a fast and forceful pace with the coming of the British and Christian missionaries resulting in its final abolition. The practice of Christian virtues slowly eradicated the indigenous practices and customs of the tribals. The importance of the institution was inevitably neglected in the society. Its extinction was therefore inevitable when informal education had to be replaced by formal education.
Of all the forces that contributed for the decaying of this important tribal institution, the coming of Christianity along with the introduction of modern education was the most important and forceful because, parents were prepared to send their children to school where the children would gain more educationally. They also feel that they could control their children better at home than the Zawlbuk. The relatively peace and calm atmosphere maintained by the British administrators and the undermining power of the village chiefs may also be attributed to the downfall of the Buonzawl.
This very important institution as such began to lose its hold on the society slowly and in course of time it became an institution of the past in their history. In fact, the Buonzawl had lost its importance and value among the Hmars soon after the British administration took control of the socio-political administration from the late nineteenth century, followed by the arrival of the Christian missionaries and the subsequent introduction of the modern system of education among the people of this region.
3. The Chief
The Hmars were once a nomadic tribe and their frequent movements and migrations were solely motivated by economic forces; that is, the search for a better cultivable land. In their grim struggle for existence and their constant war with other tribes, they must have needed at that stage of their evolution a strong leader who could maintain the cohesiveness of the society and also protect it from external aggressions. Thus, a person who has the capacity to lead the people in their struggle for existence and constant anxiety in times of war, ability to commands obedience from others - a certain charisma and the readiness on the part of his followers to conform to the institutions or models laid down by him, emerges as ‘lal’ (chief) and are being recognised as such by the people. Such persons who conquered new territories and built new villages were also eventually recognised as chiefs. There are also instances in which ‘folk-heroes’ who earned a ‘name’ by ‘heroic deeds’ killing wild animals or taking an enemy’s head were often portrayed as the greatest leader, for the supreme huntsman of animals and men.
The Hmar chiefs, though they wielded immense power, never lost their democratic character. Theoretically though all the lands belong to the chiefs, yet practically, all the people belonging to his community were the owners of these lands. The chiefs were only the distributors of these lands. But as the distributors of the lands also, they had to act abiding by the advice of their Council of Ministers and their society’s prevailing customs. He was hardly able to take decisions independently.
In the words of Rochunga Pudaite, “ Significant among the Hmar system of village government is the fact that the land belongs to the people. It is common property of the people and the chief. The chief and ministers are trustees with the power to see to the rightful use and distribution to each homestead for cultivation. No one can claim full ownership of land. It belongs to him as long as he uses the land, and ceases to be his when he moves or abandons the land”.
However, Lal Dena did not agree with this view and argue that, “ The villagers were sort of tenants-at-will, paying to the Chief - One, Busung-Sadar, the practice of paying every year a certain specified quantity of paddy and surrendering the fore-legs of every animal shoot or trapped within the chiefdom, and two, rendering forced labour which involved building and rebuilding the Chief’s house or any other community works”.
4. The Village Council & Councilors
In each chiefdom, there was a village council. The specific character, composition and methods of functioning of the council varied from clan to clan or from village to village. The chief was the supreme head of the council. Below the chief were the Muolkil Mitha (Chief Councilor) and ordinary Khawnbawls (Councilor). In the absence of the Chief, the Chief Councilor took the place of the Chief and presided over the meetings. The councilors who were selected by the chief himself were normally wealthy and influential groups of persons, kinsmen or close friends of the Chief. They were rewarded with the most fertile ‘jhum-land’ and also exempted from forced labour. Thus, the Chiefs and the councilors in a sense constituted a privileged group in a traditional Hmar society and the village council, through which they operated, tended to serve their narrow and vested interests.
When the Village Authority came to power after the enactment of the Manipur Act of 1956, the office of the Chief was practically abolished. In fact, in the bordering state of Mizoram the institution of the Chiefs was wholly abolished in 1946 with the then Mizo Union, the first political organisation of the Mizos spearheading this movement. Under the Act of 1956, the chief was made the Chairman of the village authority without any other discretionary power. Even the benefits he usually gets in the past, such as ‘Busung-Sadar and, Free voluntary services from his subjects are also no longer given to him.
The Village Council combined in itself both judicial and criminal. Before it heard any dispute, the complainant was under obligation to offer zu (rice-beer) to the councilor and, if he won the case, the other party not only reimbursed his expenditure but also fined Salam (a fine of pig) as the case may be. The most serious offence committed by a person if found guilty by this council will be fined with a term called SIEL le SALAM. The Chief was armed with extra-judicial powers, which nobody questions. For instance, if a criminal or adulterer managed to touch the Sutpui (middle post) of the Chief’s house, the avenger would be considered guilty or enemy of the Chief if he continued to make attempts of vengeance.
There could be a public trial of the case. But the Chief had the authority not to bring up the case if he thought that the offender’s life was likely to be in danger. However, murderers involved in heinous crime and offences could not escape for long because the moment he crossed the premises of the Chief’s house, the murdered family could take revenge. The moment the criminal sought protection from the Chief, he automatically became the latter’s slave. Of course, he could buy his freedom back later on. The British rulers condemned this practice and the Christian missionaries so vehemently that it was soon abolished it in the beginning of the last century.
The Hmars did not have any book on criminal or civil laws of their own. However “the chief maintained peace and justice among the people according to the Hmar customary laws. He was the protector of the village’s life and property”. The village court adopted different methods depending on the nature of the case.
They generally displayed a tiger’s head in the council hall. The chief and the councilors usually decided the final case by asking the culprits to swear an oath in the name of god that, “if I told a lie, let a tiger bite me today/tonight”. The accused was instructed to bite the tiger’s tooth and to declare himself innocent. In case he refuses to do so, he was declared as the main culprit. Luois L. Keivom further states, “Some of those who make false oath were really carried away by tigers. But not all who made false oath”.
The chief and his councilors also had the right to declare ‘Khawtlang Ensan’ (social boycott) to any of the families who disobeyed the orders of the village court or who in the opinion of the village court were trouble for the village. It was a terrible thing for the families who were boycotted by the village. When a member of a boycotted family died, the whole village did not even go to console the dead nor did the youth dig grave for them. This kind of punishment was so severe that everyone tried to obey the orders of the village court. In this way the chief and his councilors administered justice to the people.
5. The Priest
Another very important official next to the Chief and his council of ministers is the Thiempu (Priest). All cases, which the council could not decide for want of evidences, were transferred to the Priest. This transferring of cases shows that in the Hmar traditional (pre-Christian) society, their politics, religion and judiciary were interdependent. Administering an oath or subjecting the party concerned to ordeal to test innocence or guiltiness normally settled such cases that are referred to the priest by the village council.
One of this methods performed by the priest is called ‘Thingkuong deng’. Under this system, a pot of rice beer is kept and filled with water up to the brim. The Priest then chanted, “God of heaven, god of the universe, reveal his sin and may his picture appear on the water of the rice-beer. Give him fear and let him live only for one lunar month”. After this, the real culprit used to disclose their hidden crimes fearing that the priest will be really calling their spirits. It is also said that the face of the culprit sometimes really appears on the rice-beer pot. The final method of bringing justice employed by the priest to find out the offending person is called, Tui Lilut (water immersion).
For this trial or final traditional judgment, the two persons who have the dispute are taken to a nearby river after performing a certain rite at the Chief’s house before they moved out along with the Chief and his Ministers. On the bank of the river, the priest sprinkle the blood of a fowl on the top of their head and if the blood flow down the nose line of either of them, the onlookers just believed that he is the innocent of the two. The priest then chants -
“Chunga pathien, hnuoia pathien,
Hienghai pahni hi, thudik hril chu tlatlum sien;
Thukhel hril chu burse inlangin inlang raw se”
English –
“Ye God of above and God of under
Who ever tell truth among these two
Let him immerse in the water and whoever tell lies,
Let him float like an empty can”.
After the priest says these lines, the innocent person always go deep in the water and comes out with a handful of sand from the floor of the water but, the guilty person miraculously can never survive in the water for long however good diver he is. The responsibility of the priest is automatically trasferred to the church Pastors and church elders after the Hmars as a whole embraced Christianity which comes to them from the first part of the year 1910.
6. The Youth Commander
Other important official of village government is the Valupa (youth commander). The youth commanders operated through the organisation of Buonzawl (Bachelors’ Dormitory) by imparting strict discipline and vigorous training in the art of tribal warfare, defence, etc to youngsters (except women). In times of peace, the youth commanders mobilized the youths and rendered free but compulsory service to the society. Their influence was so great that even the chief and his councilors could at times be subject to the will of the youths. All the male youths of the village who had attained puberty are supposed to sleep in this dormitory in the night. Each boy in the village is under obligation to supply firewood for the Buonzawl and failure of which will be reprimanded or punish. The Val-upas will, in those events will let the child know that the failure to performs one’s duty is much more painful than the punishment given to him.
This very important traditional house of education was completely abolished in the then Lushai Hills in the year 1938 and, although the Val-Upas are still there in the village to lead and command the youths in certain social activities, their work and importance is taken up by the Hmar Youth Association, an umbrella organisation of all the youths of the community which had its branches and units in almost all the Hmar villages.
7. The Blacksmith & The Village Crier
The main function of the Thirsu (blacksmith) in a Hmar village was to make weapons and agricultural implements and, he received a certain specified quantity of paddy annually from the farmers who utilizes his services. The Tlangsam (Village Crier) proclaimed the orders of the Chief and the Councilors; and he was exempted from force-labour or any other community labour. In the present days, with the advancement of modern systems of governance and equipments, the functions of the village Blacksmiths and, Messenger has lessen considerably. With their benefits of exemption from compulsory social services no more, and the donation of paddy for them no longer enforced, black smithy is taken up by whoever had the talent and a village messenger is usually employed by the village with a certain minimum salary.
The Hmars have elaborate customary laws. The Lalship and Khawnbawlship and the right to inheritance went to the youngest son of the family. But certain clans such as the Leiris, the Faihriems and the Changsans give inheritance right to the eldest son. In a family in which there were no sons, the right of inheritance was to be decided by the kinsmen of that particular family. Women are not allowed to inherit any property.
If a villager decided to migrate to another village regardless of the Chief’s order, the Chief could confiscate his property. And if he sold a ‘mithun’ or any other cattle to other villagers, some specified portion of the price was to be given to the Chief. The right of the chief to these services was in fact the foundation of his political power and his accumulated wealth enabled him to command the respect and loyalty of his own clan or tribe and other clans or tribes conquered.
This pratice actually amounted to virtual recognition of the Chief as the supreme authority and sole owner of the land. In this connection, Hranglien Songate remarks that one of the Hmar Chiefs during their Burma settlement was specially reach and was said to eat only on plates of gold. This would appear to suggest that the Chief for all practical purposes depended upon the labour and production of his subjects.
Though the Hmars are one of the oldest communities in the North East India region, yet, not much work has been done so far about them. The Hmars have no written history in the past; their origin and history can only be constructed with the help of oral traditions. Oral testimony certainly reflects more ancestral imagination than historical facts. But, one cannot altogether dismiss it because it forms the raw material from which true history can be derived and which is known must be pierced together from racial memories, from song and story, folklore and legend.
The Hmars and kindred tribes, now known as Mizos, traced their origin from a cave known as Sinlung in central China. They were believed to have involved in the building of the Great Wall of China as conscripted labourers. Due to an undesirable work condition and famine, they left China and migrated westward. Shan was believed to be the next known settlement of the Hmars after Sinlung although it is not clear whether this Shan is the present Shan state of Myanmar or somewhere else near Sinlung. However, one thing clear and certain here in Shan is that, they lived a better and more prosperous life than they had known in Sinlung. Their epic songs revealed with the wealth they possessed here in Shan area. However, generation of prosperity there was intercepted by a severe famine known as Thingpui Tam (tree famine), a famine that occurs after every 100 years in their history.
The next known settlement of the Hmars is in the Burmese valley known as Kawlphai by them and then to the present Chin Hills of the same country. It was believed that they came down and settled together in this Burmese plain with other Tibeto-Burman tribes such as the Arakanese, Kachin, Nagas, etc. It was also believed that the different Mizo tribes separated themselves according to their clan from this place onwards. The reason of these separations will be attributed to the absence of external disturbances, peaceful social life and prosperity in agriculture.
In Burma, the Hmars are believed to settled between the river Run (pronounce as ‘roon’ by them, the river is also known as ‘Manipur’ by others) and Tiau for quite a long time as many of the vocabulary and terminology they use even till today had many references to Run river. Besides, all the names of the twelve months of the year they gave also have a bearing on the climatic condition of this area.
The Hmars gradually inhabited the virgin lands in the southern region of Burma (which later became Lushai Hills under the British) to Tripura, Chittagong Hills Tracts, Cachar, Manipur and North Cachar Hills. They at present settled in compact in the Tipaimukh Sub-division in southwest Manipur, North Mizoram, Cachar and North Cachar Hills of Assam, Jowai areas of Meghalaya and North Tripura state of Northeast India. About 5,76,720 Hmars in more than 500 villages settled in compact in the above mentioned areas. The Northeast India, it may be mentioned is surrounded by China in the north, Myanmar (Burma) in the east and west and in the south by Bangladesh.
As the Hmars are the first tribes of the Chin-Kuki-Mizo groups of tribals who moved to their present areas of settlement from the Chin Hills of the Burma to made contact with the plainsmen Indian, particularly the Bengalees. The Bengalees called the Hmars, as ‘Kukis’. The Hmars however, at no time accepted the term ‘Kuki’ as the name of their tribe as they thought it to be a degraded term. The British officials, ethnographers and linguists were also aware that this term had no popular acceptance. After some time, the Thadou tribes who moved closely behind the Hmars, made contact with the Bengalees. Since they were quite different from the people, whom the Bengalees called Kukis, they were given another name, New Kuki. The Hmars were then grouped as Old Kuki.
In the words of W.W. Hunter (1972), “The term ‘old kuki’ is applied to a tribe living on the farther side of the Barak river in the North Cachar, who appear to have nothing in common with the Kukis proper or, Lushais. Their system of village government is democratic, and in contrast with that of all other tribes to which the name of Kuki is applied, the ‘old kuki’ speak a language akin to that of the Tipperahs, whom also they resemble in physical appearances. The names of their principal clans or sub-tribes are the Renkhols (Hrangkhols), Khelmas (Sakechep) and Banglong”.
When the term ‘Old Kuki’ was used, it included the Hrangkhols, Darlongs, Bietes, Aimols, Koms, Chirus, Anals and others who now have their own separate identities and dialects. It is clear that these ‘old kukis’ in those days, do not have one common term of their own to refer to themselves, but prefers to call themselves by the name of their clan.
Traditional Institutions
The Hmar traditional institutions can be grouped under different heads such as the family, the Buonzawl (youth dormitory), the chief and his councilors, the priest, the village crier, the blacksmith and the youth commander.
1. The Family
The family was the smallest unit in every social kinship system throughout the world and is also the first informal centre of learning or in other words, the first institution. It is the first major agency to introduce the child to his many social roles. It is often said that, “Family is the first school where the child learns all the useful things required in order to lead an independent life by himself”. This is true for the Hmar even during their primitive traditional society.
Rochunga Pudaite beautifully sums up this important institution in the following words - “His father took him to the jungle and made traps with him. He supplied firewood for Buonzawl at the age of six and learned to be under strict discipline of the society. Later, he participated in the village life and government. Even as a boy he followed his father to sow, to weed, and to reap the harvest of the jhum (rice-paddy) with the tribal implements. He made parts of the local handlooms. He participated in tribal rites and hunting expeditions. The girl learned cooking and weaving before she was mature. The tribal child, as a rule, acquired all the needed knowledge before he started life on his own”.
The family also acts as an important educational institution for the child as he learns to live in the society. Opportunity is given to him each day to observe family administration through a trained and experience head of the family. He learnt to respect his parents and elders. He learns to share, to play, to cooperate and to conduct himself before he is called upon to shoulder public responsibility. He cannot be selfish in such a family set-up, and corporate life of the most congenial type is cultivated. Educational activities and processes surround him from sunrise to sundown. He is thoroughly educated to perpetuate the religion, culture and traditions of his family before he leaves his parents to start a new home of his own.
The Hmar family can be regarded as a patriarchal one in nature and has a patrilineal continuity, each generation being linked to the next in genealogical succession through the males only. A Hmar family usually consist of members related to each other by blood, marriage and adoption, all having the same social, economic and religious status under a single head. The members usually comprise of the grand parents, the husbands and wives, married and unmarried children and grand children.
The father is the head of the family and is the presiding authority in all socio-religious matters of the family and also, the representative of the family in all community affairs. His decision is always final and binding. The father enjoys widespread and unquestioned authority from his subordinates. The relationship between a father and the offspring was of respect and obedience on the part of the offspring and authority on the part of the father.
Children look upon parents with great respect. They call their father ‘Pa’ (father) and the mother ‘Nu’ (mother) and never mentioned the name as they consider it disrespectful to call or say their parents’ name even after they have grown up and established their own home. Not only the parents, even the elders are shown respect by preceding their names with ‘U’ (pronounced as the sound of ‘oo’ in ‘zoo’).
Every members of the family down from the children up to the grand parents all contributed in the welfare and maintenance of the family. Children, the girl child in particular, are very helpful in the domestic chores such as carrying water, cooking food, washing and cleaning. Boys can also do all these work depending on how they are being trained or in a family where there are no not enough female members. Grand parents are always useful in looking after the babies and in the household works.
Mealtime is regarded as the best time for family discussion of any matters and topics as this is the only time where they are usually attending to one common thing in a day. Children are taught the value of life, the need to respect their elders, what to do and what not to do, etc.
2. Buonzawl
One of the most important characteristic features of any olden tribal society is the existence of one social institution called dormitory for the youth. The origin of this important institution known as, Buonzawl or Sier was lost in oblivion as it could not be established when it actually began. It was invariably built in the largest open area in the center of the village near the chief’s house. The Hmars of Mizoram and those villages bordering sometimes called this dormitory as Zawlbuk, like the Lushais. This important dormitory institution can be regarded as the most effective agency of education among the tribals of Manipur before the introduction of modern system of education in their areas and, in the absence of any formal educational system.
A Buonzawl is built and operated by the whole village community. It is similar to other houses in materials but different in shape and size. A single entrance obtains access to the building by a platform of rough wood at the uphill end. A large fireplace is constructed in which a fire is kept burning day and night. Right by the fire is an open space used for recreation such as wrestling matches and dances. This particular place, according to some writers is what was known as the ‘Buonzawl’. The Hmar term of ‘Buon’ means ‘wrestling’ and ‘Zawl’ means something like ‘a flat surface or, an open space’.
There are sleeping platforms on all sides of the wall except the front part. All the male youths of the village who had attained puberty are supposed to sleep in the Buonzawl in the night. Each boy in the village is under obligation to supply firewood for the Buonzawl and failure of which will be reprimanded or punish by the Val-upas or Youth Commanders who will in such events let the child know that the failure to performs one’s duty is much more painful than the punishment given to him.
Special arrangements are made for fetching water at night in case the inmates get thirsty. The boys are specially briefed off for their duty and are changed every week. These boys can claim water as a matter of right from any of the houses near the Buonzawl. Any refuse of this demand by any householder are liable to be punished and fined. All the young men of the village came out of their houses to the Buonzawl after their evening meal and have to decide what they would do for the evening. Some went for courting, and the others call on their girl friends for gossip, smoke or singsong. At the Buonzawl, the elderly persons would gather and sit around the fire .
Buonzawl – Its roles and importance
A. Security :
In the earlier tribal societies, including the tribes included in this study, it was a common affair to attack the people of another tribe for some reason. This led to inter-tribal feuds endangering the peaceful living of the common people. More detrimental than this barbarous act was an inter-clan feud that commonly occurred among the tribes for want of being dominant over the other. For this reason, it became a necessity for all the young men to sleep together in one place in order to protect the village from the enemy, or prepared themselves for any emergency. To meet such a possible attack, a collective action with prompt move was more desirable. The Buonzawl served as a control room in times of such an emergency.
The Pawi (Lai) and the Lakher Mara) tribes who are now mostly concentrated in the southern part of present Mizoram state of northeast India do not have this type of institution. The Pawis claimed that they, being a dominant tribe or clan do not find any reason to have such an institution. As such, the security factor can be attributed as one of the most important reason for the origin of ‘dormitory house’ in many tribal societies. War strategy or, hunting expedition are discussed and planned here under the leadership of the Val-Upas. The influence of these Val-Upas was so great that even the village chiefs and his ministers are subjected to submission to their will especially in times of such emergencies like war, hunting, fire and deaths among the villagers.
B. Education :
A Buonzawl, at the beginning, was just like any other hall meant for discussing matters concerning the public, but it was latter developed into a kind of institution where youngsters were given rigorous training in the art of tribal war, wrestling and village administration. In fact, in the Hmar traditional society where there was no institutionalized form to educate the youth of the village, the Buonzawl was the best well-established form of displinary institution. Besides, the Buonzawl played a very significant role in imparting the tribal philosophy of life, Tlawmngaina, an untranslatable term binding all to be hospitable, kind, unselfish and helpful to others: a moral force which finds expression in the self sacrifice for the service of others.
Buonzawl also gives an important opportunity for the boys to socialise by mixing and sleeping with others. The boys in Buonzawl also learnt how to respect the elders, one very important moral duty of every human being. Buonzawl was an institution, which moulded the characters of the youths by giving them all sorts of training, and prepared them to be a better man. Strict disciplines were enforced here and disobedient inmates were punished severely.
C. Recreation & Guest house:
As the name implies, the Hmars’ ‘Buonzawl’ is a ‘wrestling place’ or, a ring. Wrestling is one of the most important forms of recreation and games. All male visitors to the village and guest who are younger than forty are required to sleep in the Buonzawl. A wrestling match is quickly arranged and the visitor cannot escape the challenge. The Hmar wrestling is different from others in that the wrestler’s sole intention is not to hurt but cultivate friendly feeling.
Even the Reverend Edwin Rolands, one of the first English pioneer missionary among the Mizo tribes, along with his teammates Vanchchunga, Savawma and Taitea were not spared from this type of challenge and had to agree to it in one small village called Sihfa in the then Lushai Hills.23 When the wrestling match is over, the Val-Upa will send the boys to collect cloths enough to keep their guest warm through the night. The Buonzawl is not that cold even in winters as the ‘fire’ is always kept burning to give warmth to the inmates. In such a way Buonzawl plays a very important role in the socio-educational and political set-up of a traditional Hmar society.
Abolition of Buonzawl
Like any other tribal traditions and customs, the Buonzawl also could not withstand the force of social changes which took place in such a fast and forceful pace with the coming of the British and Christian missionaries resulting in its final abolition. The practice of Christian virtues slowly eradicated the indigenous practices and customs of the tribals. The importance of the institution was inevitably neglected in the society. Its extinction was therefore inevitable when informal education had to be replaced by formal education.
Of all the forces that contributed for the decaying of this important tribal institution, the coming of Christianity along with the introduction of modern education was the most important and forceful because, parents were prepared to send their children to school where the children would gain more educationally. They also feel that they could control their children better at home than the Zawlbuk. The relatively peace and calm atmosphere maintained by the British administrators and the undermining power of the village chiefs may also be attributed to the downfall of the Buonzawl.
This very important institution as such began to lose its hold on the society slowly and in course of time it became an institution of the past in their history. In fact, the Buonzawl had lost its importance and value among the Hmars soon after the British administration took control of the socio-political administration from the late nineteenth century, followed by the arrival of the Christian missionaries and the subsequent introduction of the modern system of education among the people of this region.
3. The Chief
The Hmars were once a nomadic tribe and their frequent movements and migrations were solely motivated by economic forces; that is, the search for a better cultivable land. In their grim struggle for existence and their constant war with other tribes, they must have needed at that stage of their evolution a strong leader who could maintain the cohesiveness of the society and also protect it from external aggressions. Thus, a person who has the capacity to lead the people in their struggle for existence and constant anxiety in times of war, ability to commands obedience from others - a certain charisma and the readiness on the part of his followers to conform to the institutions or models laid down by him, emerges as ‘lal’ (chief) and are being recognised as such by the people. Such persons who conquered new territories and built new villages were also eventually recognised as chiefs. There are also instances in which ‘folk-heroes’ who earned a ‘name’ by ‘heroic deeds’ killing wild animals or taking an enemy’s head were often portrayed as the greatest leader, for the supreme huntsman of animals and men.
The Hmar chiefs, though they wielded immense power, never lost their democratic character. Theoretically though all the lands belong to the chiefs, yet practically, all the people belonging to his community were the owners of these lands. The chiefs were only the distributors of these lands. But as the distributors of the lands also, they had to act abiding by the advice of their Council of Ministers and their society’s prevailing customs. He was hardly able to take decisions independently.
In the words of Rochunga Pudaite, “ Significant among the Hmar system of village government is the fact that the land belongs to the people. It is common property of the people and the chief. The chief and ministers are trustees with the power to see to the rightful use and distribution to each homestead for cultivation. No one can claim full ownership of land. It belongs to him as long as he uses the land, and ceases to be his when he moves or abandons the land”.
However, Lal Dena did not agree with this view and argue that, “ The villagers were sort of tenants-at-will, paying to the Chief - One, Busung-Sadar, the practice of paying every year a certain specified quantity of paddy and surrendering the fore-legs of every animal shoot or trapped within the chiefdom, and two, rendering forced labour which involved building and rebuilding the Chief’s house or any other community works”.
4. The Village Council & Councilors
In each chiefdom, there was a village council. The specific character, composition and methods of functioning of the council varied from clan to clan or from village to village. The chief was the supreme head of the council. Below the chief were the Muolkil Mitha (Chief Councilor) and ordinary Khawnbawls (Councilor). In the absence of the Chief, the Chief Councilor took the place of the Chief and presided over the meetings. The councilors who were selected by the chief himself were normally wealthy and influential groups of persons, kinsmen or close friends of the Chief. They were rewarded with the most fertile ‘jhum-land’ and also exempted from forced labour. Thus, the Chiefs and the councilors in a sense constituted a privileged group in a traditional Hmar society and the village council, through which they operated, tended to serve their narrow and vested interests.
When the Village Authority came to power after the enactment of the Manipur Act of 1956, the office of the Chief was practically abolished. In fact, in the bordering state of Mizoram the institution of the Chiefs was wholly abolished in 1946 with the then Mizo Union, the first political organisation of the Mizos spearheading this movement. Under the Act of 1956, the chief was made the Chairman of the village authority without any other discretionary power. Even the benefits he usually gets in the past, such as ‘Busung-Sadar and, Free voluntary services from his subjects are also no longer given to him.
The Village Council combined in itself both judicial and criminal. Before it heard any dispute, the complainant was under obligation to offer zu (rice-beer) to the councilor and, if he won the case, the other party not only reimbursed his expenditure but also fined Salam (a fine of pig) as the case may be. The most serious offence committed by a person if found guilty by this council will be fined with a term called SIEL le SALAM. The Chief was armed with extra-judicial powers, which nobody questions. For instance, if a criminal or adulterer managed to touch the Sutpui (middle post) of the Chief’s house, the avenger would be considered guilty or enemy of the Chief if he continued to make attempts of vengeance.
There could be a public trial of the case. But the Chief had the authority not to bring up the case if he thought that the offender’s life was likely to be in danger. However, murderers involved in heinous crime and offences could not escape for long because the moment he crossed the premises of the Chief’s house, the murdered family could take revenge. The moment the criminal sought protection from the Chief, he automatically became the latter’s slave. Of course, he could buy his freedom back later on. The British rulers condemned this practice and the Christian missionaries so vehemently that it was soon abolished it in the beginning of the last century.
The Hmars did not have any book on criminal or civil laws of their own. However “the chief maintained peace and justice among the people according to the Hmar customary laws. He was the protector of the village’s life and property”. The village court adopted different methods depending on the nature of the case.
They generally displayed a tiger’s head in the council hall. The chief and the councilors usually decided the final case by asking the culprits to swear an oath in the name of god that, “if I told a lie, let a tiger bite me today/tonight”. The accused was instructed to bite the tiger’s tooth and to declare himself innocent. In case he refuses to do so, he was declared as the main culprit. Luois L. Keivom further states, “Some of those who make false oath were really carried away by tigers. But not all who made false oath”.
The chief and his councilors also had the right to declare ‘Khawtlang Ensan’ (social boycott) to any of the families who disobeyed the orders of the village court or who in the opinion of the village court were trouble for the village. It was a terrible thing for the families who were boycotted by the village. When a member of a boycotted family died, the whole village did not even go to console the dead nor did the youth dig grave for them. This kind of punishment was so severe that everyone tried to obey the orders of the village court. In this way the chief and his councilors administered justice to the people.
5. The Priest
Another very important official next to the Chief and his council of ministers is the Thiempu (Priest). All cases, which the council could not decide for want of evidences, were transferred to the Priest. This transferring of cases shows that in the Hmar traditional (pre-Christian) society, their politics, religion and judiciary were interdependent. Administering an oath or subjecting the party concerned to ordeal to test innocence or guiltiness normally settled such cases that are referred to the priest by the village council.
One of this methods performed by the priest is called ‘Thingkuong deng’. Under this system, a pot of rice beer is kept and filled with water up to the brim. The Priest then chanted, “God of heaven, god of the universe, reveal his sin and may his picture appear on the water of the rice-beer. Give him fear and let him live only for one lunar month”. After this, the real culprit used to disclose their hidden crimes fearing that the priest will be really calling their spirits. It is also said that the face of the culprit sometimes really appears on the rice-beer pot. The final method of bringing justice employed by the priest to find out the offending person is called, Tui Lilut (water immersion).
For this trial or final traditional judgment, the two persons who have the dispute are taken to a nearby river after performing a certain rite at the Chief’s house before they moved out along with the Chief and his Ministers. On the bank of the river, the priest sprinkle the blood of a fowl on the top of their head and if the blood flow down the nose line of either of them, the onlookers just believed that he is the innocent of the two. The priest then chants -
“Chunga pathien, hnuoia pathien,
Hienghai pahni hi, thudik hril chu tlatlum sien;
Thukhel hril chu burse inlangin inlang raw se”
English –
“Ye God of above and God of under
Who ever tell truth among these two
Let him immerse in the water and whoever tell lies,
Let him float like an empty can”.
After the priest says these lines, the innocent person always go deep in the water and comes out with a handful of sand from the floor of the water but, the guilty person miraculously can never survive in the water for long however good diver he is. The responsibility of the priest is automatically trasferred to the church Pastors and church elders after the Hmars as a whole embraced Christianity which comes to them from the first part of the year 1910.
6. The Youth Commander
Other important official of village government is the Valupa (youth commander). The youth commanders operated through the organisation of Buonzawl (Bachelors’ Dormitory) by imparting strict discipline and vigorous training in the art of tribal warfare, defence, etc to youngsters (except women). In times of peace, the youth commanders mobilized the youths and rendered free but compulsory service to the society. Their influence was so great that even the chief and his councilors could at times be subject to the will of the youths. All the male youths of the village who had attained puberty are supposed to sleep in this dormitory in the night. Each boy in the village is under obligation to supply firewood for the Buonzawl and failure of which will be reprimanded or punish. The Val-upas will, in those events will let the child know that the failure to performs one’s duty is much more painful than the punishment given to him.
This very important traditional house of education was completely abolished in the then Lushai Hills in the year 1938 and, although the Val-Upas are still there in the village to lead and command the youths in certain social activities, their work and importance is taken up by the Hmar Youth Association, an umbrella organisation of all the youths of the community which had its branches and units in almost all the Hmar villages.
7. The Blacksmith & The Village Crier
The main function of the Thirsu (blacksmith) in a Hmar village was to make weapons and agricultural implements and, he received a certain specified quantity of paddy annually from the farmers who utilizes his services. The Tlangsam (Village Crier) proclaimed the orders of the Chief and the Councilors; and he was exempted from force-labour or any other community labour. In the present days, with the advancement of modern systems of governance and equipments, the functions of the village Blacksmiths and, Messenger has lessen considerably. With their benefits of exemption from compulsory social services no more, and the donation of paddy for them no longer enforced, black smithy is taken up by whoever had the talent and a village messenger is usually employed by the village with a certain minimum salary.
The Hmars have elaborate customary laws. The Lalship and Khawnbawlship and the right to inheritance went to the youngest son of the family. But certain clans such as the Leiris, the Faihriems and the Changsans give inheritance right to the eldest son. In a family in which there were no sons, the right of inheritance was to be decided by the kinsmen of that particular family. Women are not allowed to inherit any property.
If a villager decided to migrate to another village regardless of the Chief’s order, the Chief could confiscate his property. And if he sold a ‘mithun’ or any other cattle to other villagers, some specified portion of the price was to be given to the Chief. The right of the chief to these services was in fact the foundation of his political power and his accumulated wealth enabled him to command the respect and loyalty of his own clan or tribe and other clans or tribes conquered.
This pratice actually amounted to virtual recognition of the Chief as the supreme authority and sole owner of the land. In this connection, Hranglien Songate remarks that one of the Hmar Chiefs during their Burma settlement was specially reach and was said to eat only on plates of gold. This would appear to suggest that the Chief for all practical purposes depended upon the labour and production of his subjects.
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