P.B. Singh -Versus
- Mizo Integration Movement (1946-1950)
Prof. LAL
DENA
Part I
The boycott movement in South-west Manipur in 1946-49 was
an offshoot of the “Mizo Union agitation”. Mizo Union was the first ever
political party formally allowed and formed at Aizawl in April 1946 by some
western-educated Mizo leaders to determine the politcal fate of all the Zo
descent in India
and Burma
in the wake of the British departure and the grant of independence to India. At the
conference held at Lakhipur in North Cachar
Hills, Assam
in November that year, the Mizo Union formulated a concrete programme of action
which, inter alia, included merger of all Zo inhabited areas into a single unit
to form ‘Mizo Sorkar.
It was through this newly formed party that the Hmar people
in Manipur were mobilized for the movement with the sole objective of merging
their areas in South-West Manipur with the contiguous hill areas of Assam to
form a ‘Mizo Sorkar’ under “Mizo Hills District”. This new political vision, a
vision of Greater Zoram, kindled the imagination and suppressed hopes of the
Hmar people and soon the movement spread like wild fire. As this mass movement
was launched both against the Maharaja and his vassal tribal chiefs solely by
the Hmars who had boycotted the first Manipur general election of 1948, it has
come to be known as the “Hmar
People`s Boycott Movement”.
To the people, the Maharaja and the tribal chiefs
represented a symbol of oppression and the mass movement was the outcome of the
clash of interests between the maharaja and the tribal chiefs on the one hand
and the people on the other. The people wanted to evolve a free democratic
society and shake off all kinds of feudal and colonial servitudes that the
former tried to preserve at any cost. A critical analysis of the basic
structure of tribal administration and the exploitative nature of the British
colonial rule in the hill areas will provide a better understanding of the true
character and significance of the movement.
Basic Features
A point of fundamental significance of the British
colonial rule was the recognition of the need to maintain an “indirect
rule" over the hill territory to avoid “direct” British rule which was
considered too expensive and perhaps demeaning. They, therefore, preferred to
rule the people through the institution of chieftainship which was a
tradition-based unit of tribal organization, to avoid direct contact and
exploitation. The traditional tribal chiefs undoubtedly enjoyed considerable
powers and privileges within their territories. Since the land tenurial system
was based on the assumption that all land belonged to the chief, the poor
villagers were subjected to pay a fixed quantity of paddy varying from one to
seven dans (1 dan=2 tins) to the chief annually. In addition to this, the
people were forced to surrender to him the foreleg of every animal shot or
trapped and also render forced-labour whenever and whereever necessary.
The main concern of the colonial authorities was to
collect annual hill house tax (Rs.3-0-0 from each household). The chief was
entrusted to collect the tax and got, 3 annas as commission per household. Of
the rest, Rs. 1-13-0
went to the maharaja and Re.1-0-0 to the British. Though the amount looks a
pittance at present, the value of a rupee was much higher then.
The most important point however is that nothing was done
for the welfare of the people. Though an L.P. School
and dispensary were started at Thanlon, the Hmar people by and large derived
little or no benefit from these basic facilities because of their location
which was about a day’s journey away from the nearest Hmar village. Not
surprisingly, the Hmar people looked towards the missionaries for these welfare
services than to the government. As a matter of fact, in the teeth of
opposition both from the government and other christian missions (like Baptist
Mission), Rev. W.R Roberts successfully started a good number of mission
schools in the Hmar inhabited areas, i,e. in present Tipaimukh with little or
no expenses. Had it not been for the missionary, the pace of the spread of
modern education among the tribal people might have been much slower. This is
however not to ignore the fact that the pioneering services performed by the
missionaries in a way legitimized the colonial occupation, and the colonial
government, on its part, brought about ordered political conditions which were
needed by the missions.
In the structure of tribal administration, the chief
became a pivotal link in the colonial administration and exploitation, and he
in turn exploited the ignorant masses.
The colonial rulers were bent on using the chiefs to perpetuate their
rule and had little worry about the support of the people. This practice
induced the Hmar chiefs too to abuse their privileges and treat the villagers
as personal servants. Thus they completely lost sight of their obligations to
the society for the privileges they received.
The
system was further intensified by the modification of the forced-labour law
which abolished forced labour in the valley consequent upon the first women`s
agitation of 1904. The new modified forced labour law was popularly known as
PAWTTHAK (Pothang). It was of two kinds- pothang bekari and pothang senkhai.
According to the former, the people were under obligation to carry goods or
luggage or to make bridges, roads and build new bungalows without payment for
the government officials touring in the hill areas. Under the system of pothang
senkhai, each household in the hill areas was to defray expenses on feeding the
touring officials like buying chicken or eggs etc. If for any reason a villager
failed to render these services, severe punishments, mostly whipping or caning,
awaited him. As has been discussed earlier, the colonial administration used
the tribal chief against his own men and vigorously enforced these obnoxious
systems of pothang through him. One of the worst examples of colonial
exploitation of the productive labour of the people was during the second world
war when about 11,500 men were used daily as labourers in military projects.
Part II
Genesis
The
hill people came to feel that the British Political Agent who was vested with
certain responsibilities in respect of their administration safeguarded their
rights. The feeling, unfounded though it was, was created that the more
populous Hindu Meiteis of Imphal valley would dominate the hills. Nari Rustomji
wrote in Enchanted Frontiers, “with the coming to the fore of popular
democratic forces, the hill tribes of both areas (Manipur and Assam) tended
to feel that there was safety in numbers and that they should therefore join
together for self-preservation. Philip Mason in his Pattern of Dominance
also wrote more or less on the same line and maintained that the colonial
administrators ‘usually liked the people as they were’, they liked them far too
well to want to see them changed. This statement needs to be examined
critically.
While on the one hand the British did not wish to see
people change- for change implies progress and consciousness of rights and
obligations-they paternalised them and seemed to safeguard their interests and
thus indirectly reinforced the fears and antagonisms of the people whose causes
were mainly economic. The colonial rulers knew too well that if the economic
and social structure of the people changed, that would inevitably bring about
changes in the political set-up and these changes would ultimately pose a
threat and lead to the end of colonial rule. Whatever changes- if they were
changes at all- were carefully regulated to suit colonial interests of
safeguarding the frontiers and plundering the economic resources of the
adjoining areas of the country and perpetuation of their rule. This was
achieved by protecting the economic interests of the maharaja and the tribal
chiefs. The consciousness of the people that they were exploited by the
combined feudalistic-colonial rule (as indicated in the previous para) was the
basic force that prompted the movement. The Second World War and the Indian
freedom movement which had tremendous impact on the people of the region,
further served to heighten the political consciousness of the people.
Organization
It was through the Mizo Union that mass mobilization was
made for the boycott movement. However, the movement gained momentum only when India was about
to be granted independence in 1947. The people at once became conscious that if
they remained divided geographically with each tribe trying to maintain a
separate identity, they would remain weak and an easy target for exploitation
and assimilation. Therefore, the issue which interested them most was the
formation of a separate administrative unit (autonomous district) by merging
all the Mizo inhabited hill areas of Assam, Manipur and Tripura.
One important wing of the Mizo Union was the Volunteer
corps – men`s wing and women`s wing under the command of Ex-Havildar Khuma.
Male volunteers used red ties. Both men and women aged 15 years and above were
to enroll themselves as volunteers. Every village established an union hall
where the volunteers were to meet whenever a trumpet call was made by the unit
commander. Another important wing was the Morse corps by which they sent urgent
and important messages through torchlight to other villages at night by using
Morse codes. Each person selected for this wing had to undergo a training
organized by the party.
Beginning
of the movement.
It should be noted that while the people did not
participate in the nationalist freedom struggle, they certainly felt its impact
and derived inspiration from it. This is evidenced by the following song
composed by late Lalnghinglo Infimate, a poor farmer of Pherzawl village:
Come out and let’s all united
To carry the work of freedom,
Nehru`s clarion
call from Delhi
Proclaimed
freedom for all:
‘Come out and be
free’.
Meanwhile, the irresistible tide of the struggle for
freedom also swept the people of the valley and they would not be contented
with anything less than immediate installation of ‘full responsible
government.’ Maharaja Kumar Priyo Brata Singh,( popularly known as P.B.Singh) the first Chief Minister of Manipur,
announced in a public meeting held at the pologround on November 26, 1947, that ‘full
responsible Government would be installed within six months i.e. before April
1948. According to the State`s Constitution Act, 1947, the first election was
held in June,1948. As mark of protest, the Hmar people boycotted this election
but the chiefs and village authorities loyally collaborated with the interim
Council which functioned from 14th
August, 1947 to 7th
October, 1948. Sandam Hmar contested the election from Senvon but
lost to Tualchin Paite. There was, because of the long-suffering, a section of
the people, who, though not very influential, wanted some sort of compromise.
This section participated in the said election in the hope that they could
ameliorate the suffering of their people and fight for their rights through the
new Legislative Assembly.
The Unionists then gathered forces
and directed their movement against the chiefs and village authority. Gradually
the movement assumed a violent character and the unionist started throwing
stones at the chiefs’ and village authorities’ houses. They shouted slogans
that they should also boycott the state schools and busung- sadar and
ex-communicate the chief and village authorities including their relatives.
At the same time the Khul Union,
comprising Paite, Simte, Vaiphei, Zo, etc. also agitated and boycotted the busung-sadar
under the leadership of Saikham, an ex- havildar. A. Daiho also started a
movement aiming at the merger of Mao-Maram inhabited areas with the Naga Hills. With the arrest of Daiho and some other
leaders the movement ended in a fiasco.
In the early part of 1949, the then
Chief Minister P.B.Singh accompanied by Maj. Khathing, Minister for Hill
Affairs, and the commandant of the 4th Assam Rifles, visited
Tipaimukh. In his public address at Senvon Mr. P. B. Singh reiterated that
while the Hmars had all his sympathy, he was not prepared to take up any
measures which were likely to affect the territorial integrity of Manipur. The
soft-spoken P.B.Singh in his own inimitable way did his best to save ‘Sana
Leibak’ from breaking up by offering
‘Regional Council’ to the agitated leaders. This eventually divided the
Hmars into two conflicting camps. The Union leaders composed a song which runs
thus:
In Mizo: State lalber P.B. Singh-an,
Union kawng a dal theilo;
Authority bawm khaia chuan;
Artui khawn I phu tawk e.
In English:P.B.Singh,even the state’s supreme leader,
Cannot stand on the Union’s way;
Ye Authority members with a
basket in your hand,
Only deserve to beg for egg.
To
know P.B’s version, I went to his palace one fine morning. When I opened the
subject, P.B.instantly recited the above song with a typical Mizo accent.It may
not be too much to say that P.B.is a symbol of Manipur’s Unity and in this
connection Nari Rustomji says:” The most stable force in the state appeared to
be the young Maharajkumar; quiet, conscientious and hardworking, who carried
the confidence also of the numerous hill tribes, Naga and Kuki, surrounding the
main central valley”.
Part III
One section of the leadership wanted to accept the offer
as a first step for demanding and eventually forcing further concessions. The
other dominant group rejected the plan out-right on the ground that this would
jeopardize their relations and unity with their brethrens in Mizo hills. It can
be said with the advantage of hindsight that the leadership of the movement
really lacked political far-sightedness and in rejecting the offer, the Hmars
paid too heavy a price and the movement ultimately ended achieving almost
nothing. The obnoxious pothang system was abolished and this in the
circumstances is no mean achievement. But the busung-sadar practice, a relic of
feudal servitude, continued to be in force till the introduction of the system
of election to the village authority bodies in 1956.
True, the movement definitely assumed such a popular
character. But no movement can be a success without proper education of the
masses, a well-defined political ideology and a programme and far-sighted
leadership which can size up the changing situation as the movement progresses
and inspires the masses. Therefore, the situation which was the result of lack
of understanding of political and economic realities, lack of clearly defined
political ideology and programme and also lack of sustained leadership and
organization, gave the administration an upper hand. And as is usual in all
such situations, repressive measures to break up the movement were employed. To
strengthen the hands of the government, some chiefs and village authority
members readily volunteered themselves as informants of the government. This
was really a severe blow to the organization. This type of close collaboration
between the government and the chiefs and village authorities was seen in Senvon,
Lungthulien, Parbung and Taithu. However in Pherzawl, the chief and the village
authority members were quite aware of the mounting tide of democratic forces
and supported the movement wholeheartedly. Since almost all the chiefs and
village authorities acted as agents of government, quite a good number of the
organizers of the movement were soon arrested of whom mention may be made of
the following persons-Pu L.Tawna, president, Lalsungkim(Parbung), Sawia(Gena-
pa), Khuongsunlien(Khawmawi), Hauzik, Tama, Zathang, Hmuna, Thanga(Tuiring),
Vanhnuoikai, Kunga(Kaphrang pa), Tawnga(Khawmawi), Luna, L.Hmunthang
Infimate(Saidan),etc., and were all imprisoned at the Imphal central jail for
six months.
The only redeeming feature of the movement was that for
the first time in history of the Hmar people,
women became conscious of the suffering and misery of the people and
when the malefolk were being repressed, they came forward and resisted the
repressive measures meted out against their men. But their resistance could not
last long enough and the reasons are quite obvious.
The small Hmar tribes for their sheer
economic survival tenaciously tried to maintain their separated
identities-under the stress of the same set of circumstances, wanted to join
their kindred’s outside the state in their demand for a separate administrative
unit which would give them a rightful place in the determination of their own
fate. But surprisingly enough, the Mizo Union leaders in Mizoram accepted the
autonomous hill district council plan under the government of Assam. Thus,
the struggle for a better economic deal of Hmars was defeated and the interests
of the Hmars in Manipur were, if not forgotten, relegated to the back-ground.
This necessarily grieved them and they inevitably felt let down by their brethrens in Mizoram.
All through the movement, L. Tawna, president
of the Union, had landed himself in
contradictory situations many a time. For instance, he attended the all-party
meeting of the hills and valley on 30. November 1947 at M.D.U hall which
demanded a full responsible government and decided to keep the territorial
integrity of Manipur. But contrary to what had been decided upon, L. Tawna
immediately organized the boycott movement which culminated in his arrest and
his being sentenced to imprisonment. Under the painful experience of jail life,
L. Tawna was perhaps lured away and was made advisor to circle officer who had
powers of a first class magistrate posted at Lungthulien, with military
assistance to control the situation. This is not to put the entire blame on L.
Tawna for the tragic failure of the movement. A man of strong personality and
eloquent orator, L. Tawna was a rare leader who played a crucial role in
infusing political consciousness among his people.
We had earlier said that by rejecting the
offer of the regional council, the leadership of the movement paid too heavy a
price. Had the offer been accepted in 1949, the areas would have made at least
some progress economically. By rejecting the
offer, possibilities of economic development were also rejected. The
result is that Tipaimukh area has remained economically one of the most
backward areas of the state though literacy is comparatively high. It has
considerable potential for economic development. But potential by itself does
not mean much unless what is potential becomes actual through the efforts of
the people of the region and the developmental programmes of the state
government.
In conclusion, one has, therefore, to have a
realistic view of the changing historical, political and economic situation in
the country and avoid sentimental and emotional approaches to a difficult human
situation. The movement started because of exploitation of the extremely
limited productive ability of the people. And the Hmars in Manipur will do well
to ensure that one kind of exploitation does not give place to another. This
perhaps is the lesson that the younger generation has to learn from a movement
which seemed to promise so much but which ended so miserably.
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